Monday, 21 November 2016

The Posthumous Cult of Henry VI: Martyrdom, Piety and Veneration

Today, Henry VI's reign is most commonly seen as cataclysmic, the loss of the Hundred Year's War, Jack Cade's Rebellion and the upheaval of the Wars of the Roses have also contributed to a perception of him as a weak and ineffectual ruler. Yet, following his death in the Tower of London in 1471, a cult of veneration emerged almost immediately. This cult would grow into one of the most popular within England, at one point with more people visiting the shrine of Henry VI at Windsor than the shrine of Thomas Becket at Canterbury. This post shall try to examine the characteristics of this cult and at the same time try to answer why it took the form and garnered the popularity it did?

                                                               Henry VI

The cult initially emerged from rumours regarding the suspicious nature of his death. During the night of May 22nd 1471, Henry VI died in the Tower of London. For less than a year, Henry VI had been restored to the throne of England with the Earl of Warwick, the Kingmaker, betraying his once close friend Edward IV.  However, the tables had now turned again and in May 1471 Edward had returned to retake the crown. Suspicion was aroused by the fact that following the death of Henry VI, Edward was recrowned the following morning. Rumours circulated that Henry had in fact been murdered by Richard, the Duke of Gloucester (later Richard III), who was in charge of the Tower of London at the time and was Edward's brother, this contradicting the jailers claims that he died of 'melancholy'. Henry's body was supposedly hurried along to the out-of-the-way Chertsey Abbey, further rumours regarding his 'murder' circulated, for example that he bled during his funeral, which was seen as typical for all murder victims. Yet, a further claim was made, that he was performing posthumous miracles. For this reason pilgrims began to appear at Chertsey.

                                           A wall of the now ruined Chertsey Abbey

Edward IV tried to suppress this cult, which was certainly growing very rapidly. For example, by 1473 prayers were being said and and lights lit before his statue on a stone screen at York Minster, in 1479 Edward had this removed. Aside from this, one of the main forms of this suppression was by trying to stop pilgrims going to Chertsey Abbey.  Interestingly, Richard III decided to patronise the cult of his Lancastrian rival- some suggestions have been that he did this out of guilt for the murder he may have committed or because the attempts to suppress the cult  had been unsuccessful.  One of the main ways he did this was by moving the body of the deceased king to St George's Chapel at Windsor Castle. It was here the dean of St George's began to compile miracles performed on visiting pilgrims, 174 of these were in recorded by 1500. 

As the patronage of the cult of Henry VI was at its height under the Tudors, it is no surprise that many historians have seen it as phenomenon of political propaganda. By portraying Henry VI has a devoted and sacred king rather than weak - there was still much to be gained in political legitimisation, despite the unification of the branches of Lancaster and York with the marriage of Henry VII to Elizabeth of York.  Sometime before 1492 Henry VII had appealed to Rome to begin the official process for the canonisation of Henry VI as a saint. By the 1520s, under Henry VIII, these proceedings had reached a point where papal representatives were seeking to find people who could bear testimony for the verification of the posthumous miracles. 

The cult eventually waned under Henry VIII, after 1528 the canonisation process was halted due to the dispute with Rome. By 1538 further damage to the cult was done by the banning of pilgrimage, votive offerings at shrines and the veneration of relics. However, this does not mean Henry VIII now opposed this cult fully due to the new reality- in his will he left his wishes for the tomb of Henry VI at St George's to be made more imposing and for the banner of 'King Henry the Saint' to be carried at his funeral. 

St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle


One way to explain why this cult garnered so much support is to look at the death of Henry VI as a martyrdom by looking at how he was viewed contemporarily and for a good part of a subsequent century. John Blacman, a Carthusian monk and a former close spiritual advice of Henry VI, wrote a vita (a memoir of sorts) describing Henry's piety, for example simplicity as exemplified by  shabby clothes he supposedly wore with a hair shirt worn beneath them and another example being his sexual puritanism. Although, he was not viewed as a saint , his mercy and generosity was recognised during his lifetime. In one instance he ordered a traitor's impaled quarter taken down, stating that he would let no man suffer in such a way for him. On Good Friday 1452, he issued 144 pardons following the an abortive rebellion by the Duke of York. He also refrained from hunting because it would be wrong to kill an innocent animal. Henry VI was also supposedly generous in terms of  charity. Hymns mention his donations to the poor and Blacman mentions his lack of will to tax his subjects for fear of being too oppressive.  

In this way we can see why Henry has been accused of political weakness because by being so generous he left the royal finances in a shambolic state. Nevertheless, with contemporaries recognising Henry's 'virtues', his personal acts formed an integral part of the image that defined his posthumous cult.

Henry's piety however was not only recognised in his character, but also through religious ceremony. Blachman noted his regular attendance at mass, which he always carried out in a highly respectable and devout manner. Public appearance such as these led many to believe that he carried out many similarly self-disciplinary acts in his private-life, such as fasting. With these  supposed devotional practices and charitable acts in mind it is clear that one of the reasons behind the development of a cult of veneration after Henry VI's death was the fact that he was seen by some as religiously righteous when he was alive. The perceived martyrdom of such a man by Richard, the Duke of Gloucester would then only contribute to this development even more.

A final consideration should be made for how this 'pious character' benefitted propagandists, contemporary and Tudor. Henry VI suffered from two extensive periods of serious mental illness. His frailty then was transformed from a supposed weakness into a new understanding of religiosity. Therefore, his dislike for the violent and forceful could be replaced with an explanation that did not highlight his 'weakness' and instead portrayed him as a devout figure, which was more useful for showing political legitimacy.


        Two English Martyrs St Edmund of East Anglia (left) and Henry VI (right) are commemorated on the rood screen at St Catherine's Church in Ludham.

We can now see why Henry VI became such a popular figure of veneration following his death, despite the chaotic nature of his reign. The cult's sponsorship under Richard III, Henry VII and Henry VIII fitted political reality. Under the former it was a response to previous attempts of suppression failing, under the latter two it represented a form of legitimacy for their claims to the throne.  This cult also grew due to the perceived sanctity of Henry, if he was such a pious man of the age, then surely it was no surprise that he would be performing miracles posthumously. In these ways, we can see that the development of the cult of Henry VI was equally based around his own life and also those who patronised him following his death.




Bibliography:

Craig, Leigh Ann. "Royalty, Virtue, and Adversity: The Cult of King Henry VI." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 35.2 (2003): 187-209.

Seward, Desmond. "The Miracle of Henry VI." History Extra. BBC History Magazine, 17 Feb. 2016. Web. 21 Nov. 2016.

Image Credit goes to:

http://www.historyextra.com/article/premium/miracle-henry-vi
WikiCommons






















Saturday, 10 September 2016

American Dream or Nightmare?: Analysing Post-War Suburbia in the United States

Suburbia was the quintessential representation of the characteristics of Post-War America. The suburb was the American Dream embodied, affordable and yet high quality housing free from the noise, pollution and distractions of the city. At the same time, it was also close enough to the city to commute. The second characteristic was that of the prejudice still inbuilt in American society after World War 2, in many suburban communities, African Americans and Asian Americans were mostly denied residence.


                        The archetypical 'Nuclear Family' in the 'ideal neighbourhood.'

The prototype of the American Suburb was Levittown, Long Island in New York state. William Levitt is described as the father of this form of suburbia. In 1929 William's father, Abraham, founded the real-estate development company Levitt & Sons. William Levitt served as the company's president and controlled most aspects, except the design of the homes which fell to his brother Alfred. They had produced a number of middle-class houses on Long Island before the war, but construction prices soared during the war. William Levitt served in the Navy during the war and following his return he saw the need for homes for veterans.

Several factors caused a high demand for housing after WW2. The postwar years in the US created a baby boom. A housing crisis saw apartments congested with reunited couples and their children. The city of Chicago had been selling its retired trolley as homes. Furthermore, some 50,000 returning veterans had took up residence in army huts. Levitt's solution was cheap, affordable housing, and provided a more ideal and modern form of accommodation. Using techniques he had learned from those he had used in military building, he used mass production through an assembly-line system. As Levitt put it 'We were not builders, We are manufacturers.' also declaring his company 'the General Motors of the housing industry.' Although Levitt did not invent this method, it had been used before in California, he was certainly the first to implement it on the scale he did for his newly-built communities. At the peak of Levittown's construction a home was produced every 16 minutes. This allowed him to sell housing cheaply, his product first sold for $7,990 with a 5% down payment, 0% if you were a veteran and a 30 year mortgage. GI Bill benefits ensured that all returning soldiers were guaranteed a home loan, furthermore the Housing Bill of 1948 also contributed against the housing shortage.

                                The large-scale manufacturing of houses in Levittown.

The popular image of the suburb is that of the white-picket fences, the General Motors car and the family dog. This may be because the suburban homes were duplicates, this furthering the level of Mass Production. TVs came with the purchase of the house. Kitchens were fully fitted with the latest appliances. Potential buyers were informed of the benefits of open plan living, in contrast to the walled and cramped dining experienced in the city. The large green spaces, also provided a welcome respite to the city life. The problem was that all this led to accusations of conformism and materialism. And although the suburbs appeared to be popular among potential home-buyers, there were notable critics.

Eric Larrabee in Harper's Magazine called 'the little Levitt house American suburbia reduced to its logical absurdity' and urban historian Lewis Mumford described the community that these houses constituted 'a uniform environment from which escape is impossible.' In these communities, arose several authors who criticised the supposed suffocating nature of the suburb. Richard Yates, writer of Revolutionary Road, pointed the 'blind, desperate clinging to safety and security at any price, as exemplified politically in the Eisenhower administration and the Mccarthy witch hunts'. For those who had lived through the Great Depression and World War II, the suburbs represented unimaginable luxury. To some the suburb was seen as easy way out- safety, but at the expense of conformity.

The similitude within these mass produced suburbs, also meant that most of the people living in the neighbourhoods were at the same stage of life and of the same economic status. This resulted in a situation where class divisions were lowered, as homeownership grew and the postwar economic boom went hand in hand with people moving to the suburbs and the growth of the middle-class. Furthermore, long-standing prejudices in the suburbs based on religion and ethnicity weakened, such as those between Italians and Germans, or Catholics and Jews, due to the shared experience of veterans during the war. However, the suburbs also showed the prejudices that were still prevalent in American society.

                                           Aerial view of Levittown from 1959.


Many suburbs denied residence to African Americans or Asian Americans.Agreements were in place between homeowners in suburbs  in which it was agreed people would not sell their home to these minorities. It was believed that if they moved it would lower house prices. Although in 1948, the Supreme Court made this type of agreement illegal, they were not enforceable. Segregation continued and often it was enforced by violence and intimidation. In 1960 there was a single black person in Levittown. Banks also refused to lend money for new homes or improvements for inner city neighbourhoods where minorities lived, this was called redlining- derived from mortgage security maps where minority neighbourhoods were shaded red to mark them as 'risky investments'. This meant that government subsidies for suburban building furthered the physical and economic distance between African Americans and whites.

The development of suburbs also furthered the conformism surrounding the role of women in society. Although, 30% of women did work outside of the home to some degree in the 1950s, in popular culture it was evident that there a shift from the praise of women for their role in the war effort to portraying them as the stereotypical housewife. This role included raising a family, tending to their husband's needs and buying the latest household appliances. Whereas, during the war 350,000 women had served in the armed forces and the female percentage of the workforce rose from 27% to 37% (1940-45) ,due to the large scale enlistment of males, in the 1950s this dropped back by 7%. However, at the same, partially due to being empowered by the war, many women began to question whether life should be confined to the household.

On the left an advert praises the role of female servicemen, on the right the woman prepares to serve her husband when he returns presumably from work.

The suburb also also played a role in Mccarthyism in the 1950s. The racial segregation within suburbia was used justify a communties 'Americanism', those who supported integration within these were seen as the most un-American person, a Communist. One of the ways the US Government tried to address the housing shortage was through some public housing programmes, right-wing politicians vilified this as a form of socialism. Senator Joseph Mccarthy himself called public housing projects 'as breeding ground[s] for communism'. Mccarthy and the Levitts joined forces in promoting Levittown as an alternative and more capitalistic approach than public housing to the shortage of homes after World War II. William Levitt is quoted as saying 'No man who owns his own home and lot can be a Communist, he has too much to do.' However, others also used the idea of of communism in regards to suburbs.  In Levittown only slight variations could be found within the homes colour, window treatment and roofline. The writer Pearl Buck once compared the architectural and racial uniformity of suburbia as reminiscent of the conformism found in Communist China. The production of identical housing also meant that differences within regional architecture and urban planning began to fade within the United States.


                                             Houses within Levittown in 1950.

The suburbs also affected the everyday life of the American citizen. A large part of this change was due to the distance between home and work, commuting  became a part of everyday life. By 1950, 80% of Levittown males commuted to Manhattan. The rise of commuting also meant the rise of the car as part of everyday life. By 1955 US car companies were producing 8 million cars a year, this was three times the number produced in 1945. As a result of the increasingly car-based society, states and federal government increasingly spent money on infrastructure to meet this demand, for example they invested in an interstate highway system in the late 1940s and the 1950s. The rise of suburbia helped to promote a 'car-culture' which replaced public transportation. Another issue regarding the postwar population shift to suburbs was political, people pay taxes based on where they live  and political representatives can be distributed on the basis of population.

                                              Adverts for Cadillac cars from 1960.

The legacy of the suburbs of post-war America. is mixed for many people it represented an increase in living standards that equivocate to a modern and less crowded way of life. Arguably, the suburbs were seen as a form of increased social mobility. Anybody, could now live the 'American Dream', as long as they fitted the criteria.  Racial prejudices meant that minorities, such as African Americans, could not live this 'dream'. Whereas, as women were once again confined in their assigned role of the housewife. To some the conformism of the suburb was almost a suffocation of individuality and the height of uniformity. Nevertheless, the movement to the suburbs had a profound affect on American society, even today 4 out of 5 Americans live in suburbs. The large scale migration of people to the outskirts of cities nevertheless had a huge impact on the shift of population and the building of infrastructure.  Therefore, the building of the post-war suburbs can be essentially seen as a change to a culture based on commuting to work.


Bibliography:
https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/us-history/postwarera/postwar-era/a/the-dark-side-of-suburbia
http://ushistoryscene.com/article/levittown/
http://www.history.com/topics/world-war-ii/american-women-in-world-war-ii
https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/apr/28/levittown-america-prototypical-suburb-history-cities
https://envisioningtheamericandream.com/
http://mentalfloss.com/article/66434/man-who-built-suburbia

Image credit goes to:
https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/apr/28/levittown-america-prototypical-suburb-history-cities
https://envisioningtheamericandream.com/
WikiCommons







Tuesday, 23 August 2016

Korenizatsiya: The Soviet Nationalities Policy for Recognised Minorities

When the Soviet Union inherited the lands of the Russian Empire, it also inherited the rich ethnic diversity of its people. Under the Russian Empire the process of Russification was forced upon the differing ethnic groups. In the 1920s and into the 1930s the Soviet Union's policy was actively the opposite of this, Korenizatsiya (also spelled Korenizatsiia), which literally means 'nativisation' or 'indigenisation', aimed to appeal to the masses in the ethnically non-Russian regions of the Soviet Union. There several thought processes and ideas behind this.


                             An ethnic map of European Russia from before World War 1.


One of the most eminent ideas behind, can be seen in the words of Stalin, who is quoted to have said 'Allow a (disconcerted minority group) to use its native language and the discontent will pass by itself'. Nation-building had been the objective of many of the minorities of the Russian Empire following the collapse of the Russian Empire and the successive Russian Civil War, many of these groups had actively opposed the Bolsheviks during the war.  For example, the Democratic Republic of Georgia and the Ukrainian People's Republic actively opposed the Bolsheviks. Korenizatsiya aimed to not only amend this, but also encourage more harmonious relations with the ethnic minorities in the name of the unity of the Soviet Union.

The policy of Korenizatsiya also fitted the Socialist ideal, Lenin and Stalin both persisted that eventually an international culture and language would exist.. The concessions to nationalities could be seen as part of an effort to show that the ethnic minorities were to not be discluded as they had been under the Empire's policy of Russification, which had been a significant part of imperial policy, as such as that seen during the intense period under Alexander III after the Crimean War. An important point is that Stalin himself was an ethnic non-Russian, of Georgian heritage, despite his later reintroduction of Russifying based policy after the period of Korenizatsiya.

Korenitsiya had several key means of implementation. Territories however were built for each officially recognised minority, regardless of their size.The creation of the Soviet Union in 1922 and the ongoing creation of its republics formed a part of this process. Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republics (ASSRs) were often found within Union Republics, for example the Karelian ASSR formed part of the Russian Soviet Federative Republic. Both types of republics were typically based on ethnic lines.   Furthermore, although the USSR would become much more centralised, technically each constituent republic part of the was allowed to secede from the union as per the Soviet Constitution.


A children's book shows changes in agriculture in Central Asia under the Soviet Union.


A key part of Korenizatsiya was linguistics. Each minority was assigned its own national language, whether or not it had previously existed. Extensive cultural and language programmes were rolled out in this language.  Minorities were also actively encouraged to take part in government and bureaucracy, with each minority having a degree of local government ruled by themselves. Minorities were also encouraged within in the Communist Party. Books for Russian speaking children informed them of the more distant parts of the Soviet Union and told them about the everyday lives of their 'fellow citizens'. It is important to realise that some of these nations were artificial and did not always align culturally with the actual inhabitants.

We can also seen a distinguishment between certain nations, some were seen as more 'backwards'. A group of children's books went beyond describing exotic nations and actively  showed the rapid change in Central Asia caused by the Soviet Union. A common theme was the contrast in the way the 'old way' was portrayed in comparison to the Soviet rule. Now science, technology and equality was present instead of  poverty, hardship and inqequality between the classes and genders, according to the books.


This military poster which uses Ukrainian language and imagery, showcasing Ukrainisation as a wider part of Korenizatsiya.


Naturally, Korenizatsiya evolved during the period it was in place. The idea itself can be seen as early as 1913, when Lenin sent a young Stalin to Vienna, as capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire it was culturally diverse. Stalin returned with his ideas for the policy. In 1919 Lenin, following the revolution, managed to persuade officials to reverse the policy of Russification and in 1923 the idea started to become in practice. At the 12th Party Congress in 1923, Stalin identified two major threats to the Soviet nationalities policy, local nationalism and Russian chauvinism against minorities.

It was at the 16th Party Congress in 1930 that Stalin emphasised that the plan was to build a universalised society, with a common language and currency as previously mentioned. The 1936 Constitution finally saw the idea that the states of the Soviet Union now formed a harmonious union to serve one state, Stalin proclaimed that the basis for a socialist society was now born and thus now the Soviet Union was now officially a Socialist state.

However, contrary to this, Stalin also began to reverse the idea of Korenizatsiya in the mid 1930's and followed the policy of Russification like the preceding Russian Empire. Purges saw a large portion of minority officials removed from power. Stalin altered the nations that had existed, in what became Karachay-Cherkessia, Stalin combined Caucasian and Turkic peoples whose languages were mutually unintelligible. But, not only were different peoples combined into fewer republics, Stalin also divided ethnic groups. The former Mongolian Buryat Autonomous Republic was divided into 3: Buryatia, Aga Buryat and Ust' Orda. Stalin also deported large numbers of people from their native territory before and during WW2, such as Volga Germans and the Crimean Tatars.The official reason given was that these various groups were collaborating with the Germans or that they were anti-Soviet rebels.

From 1937 onwards, the press began to praise Russian language and culture. Changes once again took place within education to suit the new Russification. Russian heroes from history were once again glorified. The Soviet Union was re -energised with patriotism, thus it was no suprise that World War II was to be called 'the Great Patriotic War'.

                                                     
                               Representatives of Soviet Nationalities in Red Square.


Korenizatsiya was never wholly popular as policy. Although it won over many of those who went against the Bolsheviks on national grounds during the Civil War. Opposition was not only to be found by Russians living within non-Russian areas, but also by people of non-Russian origin who had been Russified. Therefore, although Korenizatsiya did pacify some of those who had initially opposed the socialist ideal of internationalism proposed under the Soviet Union, the idea itself was to be only reversed fully by the head of the Soviet state and one of it's original proponents,  Joseph Stalin.







Bibliography:
https://www.lib.uchicago.edu/e/webexhibits/sovietchildrensbooks/nationalities.html
http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/cccp-nationalities-stalin.htm
http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/cccp-nationalities-lenin.htm
http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/ussr-established
http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/articles/731/2/the-soviet-nationality-policy-in-central-asia

Image Credit goes to 

WikiCommons
http://russiasperiphery.blogs.wm.edu/central-asia/general/korenizatsiia/
http://siberiantimes.com/science/casestudy/news/n0124-scientists-map-the-dna-of-ethnic-groups-in-former-soviet-union/
https://www.lib.uchicago.edu/e/webexhibits/sovietchildrensbooks/nationalities.html




Saturday, 30 July 2016

Prometheus and Poland: Greek Myth and Polish Foreign Policy during the Interwar Period

Prometheus Unbound by Percy Bysshe Shelley is perhaps the most famous piece of literature on the ancient Greek titan, that was one of the greatest benefactors of mankind in mythology. Although there are many narratives about the Titan, he has came to represent the theme of suffering for the greater good of mankind, following the eternal punishment he received from the Olympian Zeus for stealing fire for mankind. The themes of the legend of Prometheus have had a profound affect, for example the Romantics saw Prometheus as representing the rebel against institution (church, monarchy and patriarch), who is epitomised by Zeus. However, it may seem strange that this ancient myth has a connection to Poland during the interwar period (between WW1 and WW2).

           Prometheus by Gustave Moreau, facing his punishment from Zeus.

Poland had just regained its independence after WW1, situated between Germany and Russia, and thus it undertook various policies in order to preserve it's recently regained independence.As arguably the most powerful leader of Poland at the time Józef Piłsudski was the main architect of these plans. Miedzymorze, one of these, translates to 'Intersea' or 'Between Seas' and is also known in Latin as Intermarum. Through this Pilsudski in various forms proposed a federation of numerous Central and Eastern European states.

Pilsudski's second plan for Miedzymorze

However, it was the other- yet complementary policy- that has its ties to the ancient myth of Prometheus. Called Prometheism due to its link, the policy entailed supporting nationalist movements within the Russian Empire and later the Soviet Union in order to weaken them, thus aiding Poland's independence before and after the creation of the Second Republic of Poland. The name for Prometheism comes from the idea of Prometheus's defiance of Zeus representing enlightenment and resistance to despotic authority. The despotic authority in this instance being Russian pre-revolution and post-revolution. Since large parts of Poland had been under Russian control since the Third Partition of Poland in 1795, it is easy to see why in this case the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union were both seen as the Olympian, as Zeus.

The main chronicler of this concept was Edmund Charaszkiewicz, who wrote a history of the concept in 1940 in Paris after fleeing from Nazi and Soviet occupied Poland. From 1927 until he had to flee after the beginning of World War II in Europe, his responsibilities including coordinating the Promethean project. Charaszkiewicz was a Polish intelligence officer, but also an ardent Pilsudskiite, Charaszkiewicz wrote that the genesis of Promethism was born long before the interwar period. It's beginnings were apparently  from  a ' renaissance' in the 18th century Russian Empire of nationalist movements. Nevertheless, Pilsudski developed the idea as early as 1904 in a memorandum to the Japanese government. Pilsudski told the Japanese government the necessity of employing non-Russian peoples in the Black, Baltic and Caspian Sea basins. Charazkiewicz wrote that Pilsudski through its history and love of freedom (the Golden Liberty of the Kingdom of Poland and later the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth would atest to this belief) and its uncompromising stance to the countries that partitioned Poland-Lithuania in 1795 (in 1904 they existed as Germany, Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire) that Poland held would naturally take a leading role in the liberation of other oppressed peoples of the Russian Empire.

                                                          Józef Piłsudski

 Józef Piłsudski is a complex figure, he was the founder of the WW1-era Polish Legions and was chief of state from 1918-22. Pilsudskiites was the name given to his most ardent supporters and after a coup by Pilsudskiites in May 1926 resulted in him becoming Prime Minister in 1926-28. He was also Prime Minister for several months in 1930. A special position was also created for him, General Inspector of the Armed Forces, which he held from the coup until his death in 1935. In this role he was not answerable to the Sejm, but only the President.Thus, Pilsudski could be said to have had the power to project his Promethean project.

Edmund Charaszkiewicz said there five distinct phases in the Promethean project. The first period ran from 1918-21. Poland faced border conflicts with  Russia and Ukraine and also Czechoslovakia briefly and it was not until the second period that independent Poland had clearly defined borders. The key features of the first period were  Poland being one of the first nations to recognising the emerging nations with coasts on the Baltic Sea: Finland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Furthermore, nations started emerging on the Caspian and Black Seas: Ukraine, Crimea, Georgia, Azerbaijan, the Don Republic, Kuban and in the North Caucasus. Other key concepts included Poland sending military aid to Symon Petliura's Ukrainian People's Republic in return for claims on the territories of Galicia and Western Volhynia. Both Poland and Ukraine took part in the Kiev Offensive of 1920.  A minister was appointed for the Caucasus and a military mission sent. At the League of Nations the Republic of Crimea motioned to become a protectorate of Poland.

In the second period of Prometheism (1921-23) we see the fall of the independent countries that emerged out of the revolution to the Soviet Union, thus we see Poland working with émigrés from these countries.This included working through foreign offices in cities such as Paris and Istanbul, but also through means such as accepting Georgian officers into the Polish military. The third period (1923-26)is also characterised with working with émigrés,now carried out without the consent or knowledge of the Polish government which removed the Promethean affair from its agenda, Joseph Stalin's nationalities programs in the Soviet Union was recognised therefore creating the Autonomous National Republics, while stamping out the last seeds of independence. However, contrary to the general rule of the lack of official government support, Georgian Prometheism enjoyed support from both the Chief of the General Staff. Gen Stanislaw Haller and the Foreign Minister Alexander Skrzyński.

                                                            Symon Petliura

The fourth period followed the May Coup of 1926 and it was by the far the most active period for Prometheism, with Pildulski now restored. In 1927 it received official organisation from the Polish Foreign Ministry and General Staff, thus for the first time it was centralised and not just a  policy advocated at various levels.

The Promethean agenda was expanding into the intellectual world. An example of this deepening was the creation of a Eastern Institute in Warsaw and an Oriental Youth Circle also being established within this institute, both having a role in the Promethean agenda. Promethean clubs were established in Harbin, Helsinki, Paris and Warsaw. Periodicals were published in the name of the agenda, the monthlies Promethee and Prometheus were established in Paris and Helsinki respectively.

However, in this period we also see more affairs with irredentist movements. Petilurist army officers of Ukraine were contracted to the Polish army. Officers also came from the Caucasus: Azerbaijan, Georgia and the North Caucasus, each recommended by their 'legitimate' national representatives. It is unlikely that the Promethean agenda  always concerned Poland directly for example, there plans for a Caucasian Confederation. However, it is hard to overstate Poland's role. Affairs were also carried out in Idel-Ural and Turkestan in regards to the Promethean agenda. The Cossacks also played a key role at the height of Prometheism, for example a campaign stimulated separatism in Cossack émigré groups.

The final and fifth period defined by Charaszkiewicz is marked by the decline of the Promethean ideal. It lasted from 1933 until the annexation of Poland between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union at the beginning of World War II. The Polish-Soviet non-aggression pact of 1932 stopped Promethean work being carried out by Polish policy-makers in the field. The worldwide economic crisis resulted in severe cuts, thus the Promethean agenda only received funding to a level of maintenance. The creation of the Anti-Comintern Pact between Germany and Japan in 1936 and later Italy in 1937, created difficulty for Promethean circles within the Polish sphere of influence due to the eagerness of these powers with their own Promethean agenda against the Soviet Union. Finally, the death of Józef Piłsudski in 1935 took the movement's largest supporter out of the picture. Thus, Prometheism and when in especially in regards to Poland faded out as an practicality.

                                                       


The statue above was erected in Tbilisi, Georgia on November 22, 2007 on the land where Prometheus faced his punishment according to the Greek Myth. It was dedicated by Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili and Polish President Lech Kaczyński. It's purpose is to celebrate Polish and Georgian efforts in trying to liberate Georgia and other states from the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. Therefore, the statue is not just a statue of Prometheus, but a statue of how his defiance against Zeus and his suffering for the greater good has inspired  and been used by people in the name of their political grievances. This statue is Prometheism embodied.



Bibliography:
https://www.britannica.com/event/Anti-Comintern-Pact                                                                                                   https://www.britannica.com/biography/Jozef-Pilsudski
https://www.britannica.com/place/Ukraine/World-War-I-and-the-struggle-for-independence#ref404547
Image Credit to Wikicommons



Sunday, 22 May 2016

Georgian Highlanders and the Last Crusaders: The Debate on the Khevsurs Origins

Richard Halliburton was one of the most extravagant and exciting adventurers of the 20th century, mostly famed for his gallant exploits such as swimming the Suez Canal and crossing the Alps on an elephant to imitate the famous general Hannibal. However, in 1935 he was in Tbilisi, the Soviet Republic of Georgia and it was here he heard a very strange tale.


Locals told him of how in 1915, in the middle of World War 1, citizens of Tbilisi were in awe one morning when warriors mounted upon horses, dressed like they were straight out of the Crusades,wearing rusty chain armour and carrying shields and broadswords, appeared and pledged their service to the Tsar, as they heard there was a war on. These were Khevsurs, a group of Georgian highlanders now from the region of Khevsureti.

Georgia is a diverse country full of languages and dialects and varying traditions. However, a mythos has developed that the Khevsurs, a group of Georgian Highlanders cut off by ice and snow for 9 months a year, are descended from Medieval Crusaders. This hypothesis was developed by locals who believed their ancestors were cut off from a larger crusading army and became stranded in the area, but also by the aforementioned Richard Halliburton and the Russian servicemen and also ethnographer Arnold Zisserman and is based on on observations that they gathered when they visited Georgia, but also a belief amongst the Khevsurs themselves that they hold this ancestry.

However,the traditional narrative is a far-cry from this hypothesis. Several Georgian, Greek and Roman sources mention the Khevsurs long  before the crusading age. The religion of the Khevsureti is a unique mixture of Georgian Orthodoxy Christianity and pre-Christian paganism and although this would not rule out the crusader theory, it certainly seems likely the pagan element is retained from before the conversion of Mirian II of Iberia (a significant Kartvelian kingdom). Regardless, there has been enough evidence to create a theory.


Arnold Zisserman spent 25 years in the Caucasus (1842-67) and during his time there the Khevsurs were still under constant threat from the North Caucasus and most still had to live in Medieval fortress-villages. The Russian Empire who controlled Georgia at this point had been fighting the Muslim tribes in the North Caucasus for almost half a century by Zisserman's visit, most famously under the leadership of the Caucasian Avar Imam Shamil. Indeed, a major task for the Khevsurs was defending  their northern border, as well as the protection and strengthening of their own folk version of Christianity. They were trusted as royal bodyguards and warriors against multiple foes. Khevsureti also worshipped flags-crosses and considered themselves permanent members of the army of the sacred flags.




The mythology of the Khevsureti is also symbiotic with their holy war ideology. The myths, or testaments as the locals call them, are oral histories of military movements undertook under the holy flags-crosses. Their mythology also takes into account apparent wars between heroes sometimes known as Sons of God and the role of combat in the conversion and Georgianisation of the pagan highlanders of the Central Caucasus. Fundamentally, it portrays the pivotal war the idea of 'Holy War' takes place in their mythology. 

It is also debatable whether the Khevsurs 'post-conversion' were still pagan or not, even though they retained elements of their folklore. The Eastern Orthodox Church seems the post-conversion ceremonies carried out by the Khevsurs as 'pagan'. These ceremonies led by self-made priests styled crusaders are peace-pilgrimages. They involve tracing the routes of their ancestors' military campaigns and when they come upon a site of a historic victory, which are marked by small prayer-towers, they participate in replications of battles and the taking of these towers from enemies. Ritual combat tournaments and horse races are held on the steep rocky hills. 

These ideas and concepts were possibly built during the 11th-13th centuries due to the effect of the Georgian monarchy. At this time the monarchy was pro-crusade and its culture heavily involved Christianity. Religion was seen as a fundamental part of Georgian state-building.The Georgians were indeed affected by the arrival of the Crusaders, it provided some relief and most modern scholars accept that their could have been limited settlement of the men arriving from the West in the area, as they are mentioned in manuscripts describing battles between  Georgians and Muslims. The Battle of Didgori against the declining Seljuk Empire featured 100-200 Franks. The Georgian state faced several Mongol invasions in the 1230's and it began to gradually weaken until it completely collapsed into several fragmented territories in 1466. Nevertheless, the Khevsurs were intrinsically linked with the fate and policy of the Georgian state.

Above the Georgian state at its height in the 13th century (top) and the various territories post-dissolution (bottom).

The most obvious possible connection to the Crusaders is the clothing of the Khevsurs, which Richard Halliburton acutely describes. Upon his visit he was surprised to finds out that the Khevsurs were not wearing their iconic armour, but rather it was hung up in every home beside the aforementioned sword and gun. Halliburton writes 'Each mesh coat is formed of some twenty thousand tiny iron rings and goes on like a night shirt. The sleeves are short, but mesh gauntlets cover the forearms. With each suit goes a bag-like chain helmet with a hole cut for the face.' and 'A flap folds over,so that the entire head can be protected.For the shins there are likewise mesh greaves. Consequently when completely arrayed, the only parts of the body vulnerable are the knees and thighs.' Therefore, along with the photograph seen above, it is easy to see how the Khevsurs dress fits in with the traditional conception of the Crusader.

\There is also evidence in other traditions of the Khevsurs. Duelling is a popular custom and Halliburton describes 'Like their forefathers, the Crusader Knights, they have a passion for putting on their iron shirts and going at each other with broadswords.'  Halliburton also notes how there was no referee-they knew the 'game' inside out- and that unlike the Medieval tournament, women did not play a major role in the event. Instead, they did not attend, but they could still retained the power to stop a duel. Halliburton notes Sundays are for duelling and getting drunk. They also had a strict system of physical training and martial art (see image below) which formed part of a larger Georgian martial art and military tradition. Once again a custom of the Khevsurs, combat as a sport, heavily links to a Western Medieval influence or heritage.

Finally, Richard Halliburton also thought he noticed several fragments of German and French in the language of the Khevsurs.


 To conclude, the idea that the Khevsur highlanders descend from Medieval Crusaders is based on observation by the human, especially religious and societal customs. Although, it appears that there is some influence by the crusading movement on the Khevsureti. Their likeness seems to be influenced by the culture and policy of the Georgian state and the combination of pagan and Christian folklore, rather than significant direct colonisation. Therefore, although it may appear their is crusading heritage, there is enough evidence to suggest that the Khevsurs lived in the region long before the crusading movement and so therefore it is difficult to accept that the Khevsurs could have possibly descended from Western crusaders. So despite possible connections through language or custom, there is not enough evidence for this theory to be accepted in the main academic community.


Bibliography:
http://ejmas.com/jwma/articles/2003/jwmaart_amberger_0603.htm
http://hearstmuseum.berkeley.edu/exhibitions/photo2/photo2_intro.html
http://www.jodyandrews.net/blog/2014/4/25/the-wolf-and-the-lion-the-story-of-the-lost-crusaders
http://www.cenn.org/Magazine_1/legends.html

Image Credit goes to Wikimedia Commons and:
http://ejmas.com/jwma/articles/2003/jwmaart_amberger_0603.htm
http://www.jodyandrews.net/blog/2014/4/25/the-wolf-and-the-lion-the-story-of-the-lost-crusaders



Wednesday, 4 May 2016

Duel of the Fates: Darth Maul and Medieval Welsh Poetry- a Star Wars Day Special

The famous scene in Star Wars: Episode I-The Phantom Menace, the climactic duel between fan-favourite Darth Maul and the Jedi Qui-Gon Jinn and Obi-Wan Kenobi has a deep connection to Medieval Welsh poetry.


Although Star Wars and Welsh poetry seem to completely separate subjects, the fact that there is a connection may not be much of a surprise. A high level of thought can go into creating cinema and George Lucas certainly drew inspiration from a wide range of historic and mythological sources. The obvious parallels lie between the Galactic Empire and Nazi Germany, Chancellor Palpatine and Adolf Hitler. However, if Ian McDiarmid (the actor who plays Palpatine) is to be believed in an article from The Guardian the future Galactic Emperor also drew inspiration from Richard Nixon. Therefore, we can see that a link between The Phantom Menace's climatic scene and Welsh poetry is not as far-fetched an idea as it may initially seem.

In this special article due to it being May 4th a.k.a Star Wars Day, I shall explore this engrossing connection, between the Duel in the Theed Generator Complex or the 'Duel of the Fates' and a Medieval Welsh poem Cad Goddeu.




This is one of the most popular duels in the Star Wars mythology, it is easy to see why with the choreography. But the music also stands out and in general feels quite epic or operatic, this is no surprise considering the reputation of John Williams, the composer of the piece. Perhaps, his more famous works are iconic pieces such as 'The Imperial March'  and 'Star Wars Theme'.Yet, this piece, entitled the 'Duel of the Fates', in my opinion is still one of the most memorable cinematic themes, especially when it comes to Star Wars in particular.

However, the lyrics of this song, which in my opinion are hard to identify while watching the scene, are wrote in Sanskrit. Sanskrit is the primary sacred language of Hinduism, it also has philosophical usage in Hinduism, along with Buddhism, Sikhism and Jainism. It is also a literary language (thus different in some ways to the spoken language) and was the lingua franca in Greater India and the Kingdom of Nepal (this refers to a common language that people use, if they do not share the same native language). A controversial issue, the spoken form of the language has seen attempts of revitalisation, with 14.346 self-reported speakers. However, it maintains popular usage in Buddhist hymns and chants and ceremonially in Hinduism.




For me it is much clearer to notice the lyrics when you simply listen to the orchestral piece without the action in the foreground. The Sanskrit lyrics originate from a fragment of an archaic Welsh poem Cad Goddeu or the Battle of the Trees. It was preserved in the 14th century Book of Taliesin, most of the contents of this date from the 10th century or earlier. Although, it is incomplete, it contains some 60 Welsh poems. Furthermore, it is important to take into account, that Taliesin the poet which many of the poems are attributed to, was actually active in the late 6th century, he (like some of the other potential authors) wrote in the Cumbric dialect of Hen Ogledd (a region of Northern England and the Scottish Lowlands inhabited by Celtic peoples, in the post-Roman period.) The poem records a traditional Welsh story in which Gwydion, a magician, trickster and hero of Welsh mythology animates an army of trees to fight for him. 



The picture above shows a folio (13) of the Book of Taliesin, which can be found at the National Library of Wales. Cad Goddeu is composed of 248 short lines, with the poem being easily divisible in different sections.

The first proclaims a first-hand knowledge of all things.

I have been a tear in the air,
I have been the dullest of stars.
I have been a word among letters,
I have been a book in the origin.
I have been the light of lanterns,

There is then an account of a great monstrous beast.

There passed an animal with wide jaws,
On it there were a hundred heads.
And a battle was contested
Under the root of his tongue;
And another battle there is
In his occiput.
Cad Goddeu then tells us of the fear of the Britons and how with Gwydion with his skill and by the grace of God, the trees were animated for combat. Trees and plants are now listed, each one having unique attributes.

The alder trees, the head of the line,
Formed the van.
The willows and quicken trees
Came late to the army.
Plum-trees, that are scarce, 
Unlonged for of men 

The poem continues with an account of the birth of the flower-maiden Blodeuwedd in first-person. It then follows this up with an account of a great warrior who was once a herdsmen and is now a learned traveller. This could be Taliesin himself or Arthur Pendragon (King Arthur). A rather interesting point is how the poem ends with an obscure reference to metalwork. It is also important to mention how the poem is inter-laid with Christian themes throughout, thus pointing towards Christianisation in practice.

A golden gem in a golden jewel.
I am splendid
And shall be wanton
From the oppression of the metal-workers


Overall, the poem describes a conflict between the sons of the Goddess Dôn and the forces of the Welsh otherworld, Annwn (the Sons of Dôn are comparable to the Irish Tuatha Dé Danann). It is initiated by Gwydion's brother Amaethon and Lleu Llaw Gyffes, a heroic figure and nephew of Gwydion, also takes a noticeable role in the battle at Caer Vevenir.




The front cover (as seen above) for the one-track promotional release of 'Duel of the Fates' interestingly depicts the Duel on Tatooine, rather than the final duel on Naboo. Interestingly, Williams aimed for a religious and sacred feeling in his track for this duel, thus the use of Sanskrit seems to fit well. He stated that the setting of the lightsaber duel felt like a pagan altar. The chorus also evokes a ceremonial aspect, Williams stated it seems that the death of one of the combatants seems inevitable. The meditation of Qui-Gon Jinn, when the laser barriers are up, seems to be symbiotic with the orchestral score in the pursuit of a feeling of sacredness.


With the context of the 'Duel of the Fates' in mind, the use of Sanskrit,and the sacred Christian references in Cad Goddeu, combined with its also  mythological and pagan aspects, it is easy to see why Williams created the piece and why it has became so iconic. It was used as inspiration for 'Battle of the Heroes' the piece used during the duel on Mustafar between Obi-Wan Kenobi and Darth Vader, not long ago Anakin Skywalker, the piece is now tragic. Nevertheless, the 'Duel of Fates' has also found home in Revenge of the Sith's duel between Yoda and Palpatine and furthermore in multimedia, mostly now considered Legends material, such as video games like Star Wars Battlefront II, Lego Star Wars and  Star Wars: The Force Unleashed. It has also recently appeared in the canon animated TV series Star Wars Rebels, with a duel between Darth Vader and his former apprentice Ahsoka Tano being the context.

Regardless, I hope this article shows the history and story behind an iconic and memorable piece of cinematic orchestral music. If you have enjoyed this article and want to read more history related posts, please follow me. You could also share this article, or comment below. If you have any suggestions for articles on any area of history then please recommend them to me in the comments sections, even if the idea draws from popular culture like this article.Perhaps I could find a connection between your favourite interest and history. Thanks for reading and May the 4th be with you.



Dosclaimer: I believe any images and videos I have used fall under the remit of fair user. I do not claim ownership of this material.

Image credit goes to Wikipedia and Wookiepedia

Sources:
http://www.ancienttexts.org/library/celtic/ctexts/t08.html
http://starwars.wikia.com/wiki/Duel_of_the_Fates
http://www.theguardian.com/stage/2005/nov/07/theatre1



Thursday, 14 April 2016

Julius Caesar and His Famous Quotes

Julius Caesar is perhaps one of the most famous people in History and one thing he is certainly famous for is his quotes, an awful lot of quotes and also misquotes. In this post I have chosen the ones that have stuck in my mind (randomly) over time and explain them, where they were said and the context of that (If indeed they were said at all). So lets just say this is the point of no return and Alea Iacta Est.


'The Die is Cast'- 'Alea Iacta Est'

You probably guessed from the end of the last paragraph that I was probably going to do this one first. 'The Die is Cast' refers to a point of no return, the die (singular dice) the action is irrevocable regardless of its consequences. This was attributed by the Roman historian Suetonius to Caesar as he crossed the Rubicon river in modern day northern Italy, from Cisalpine Gaul. Cisalpine Gaul, interestingly, was the part of Italy inhabited by Celts since the 13th century BC, even though the term is most associated with France, rather than the other parts of Gaul. This act was seen as insurrection and treason, laws were in place to prevent a coup and therefore even though Caesar only crossed with a single legion, Legio XIII, it was a virtual act of civil war.

Crossing the Rubicon resulted in Civil War (49-45 BC) with Pompey and the traditionalist Senate majority (the Optimates.) Caesar is said to have borrowed the phrase from his favourite Greek writer of comedy, Menander.

                                       Caesar pausing on the banks of the Rubicon

'I came, I saw, I conquered'- 'Veni, Vedi, Vici'

This famous phrase also originates from events mixed in with the Civil War with Pompey, Pharnaces II of Pontus (one of my favourite ancient realms, by the way) a client of Pompey was taking advantage of the Civil War. Caesar achieved a quick victory against Pharnaces II at the Battle of Zela and therefore the term refers to a quick, conclusive victory. According to the Roman historian (of Greek origin) Appian, Caesar used this phrase in a letter to the Roman Senate following his victory. Plutarch and Suetonius also mention this 'famous' quote.

                                Modern day Zile, Turkey, the site of the Battle of Zela.


'you too Brutus?'- 'Et tu Brute?'

The phrase 'you too, Brutus?' or 'and you,Brutus?' is most commonly associated with Caesar's last words. Brutus was a close an adopted close friend, yet nephew of Julius Caesar. The quotation is often used to signify the most unexpected betrayal, such as Brutus' betrayal of Caesar during the Ides of March (15 March) 44BC and his assassination.

Julius Caesar's last words are highly contentious among historians, but this phrase is perhaps mostly associated with Shakespeare's play Julius Caesar (1599) where it forms part of a macaronic phrase that finishes 'Then Fall, Caesar!'. Suetonius claimed that others had reported that Caesar's last words were 'you too child?' with the Greek phrase from which it originates having several translations. Some believe this points to Brutus being Caesar's illegitimate son. Suetonius notes that Caesar said nothing as he died, others say that he only said the phrase after recognising Brutus, meanwhile Plutarch also states Caesar said nothing and that he pulled his toga over his head after seeing Brutus as one of the conspirators.


The Death of Caesar by Vincenzo Camuccini from 1798

Julius Caesar is a man of many well-remembered words, whether he spoke them or not. Many of these phrases have entered modern lexicons, but they also tell us a lot about the man himself and his political career. Whether it is a point of no return, a statement of a swift and conclusive victory or a way to express the shock of a utmost betrayal, Julius Caesar's quotes shall remain in the human mind for some time to come,



Bibliography:
http://www.phrases.org.uk/meanings/358600.html
http://ancienthistory.about.com/od/vterms/g/Venividivici.htm
Image Credit goes to Wikipedia